Suggestive of the problematic complexity of the phenomenon and of the controversial implication made by the usage of the term. Rather, let alone actively denying the title, some of these samostiiniki actually presented themselves as staunch opponents of samostiinost', even criticizing other Cossacks for being samostiiniki.
As will be shown in detail below, the Cossacks did not simply resent being called as samostiiniki. In fact, it was a name given by those who wanted to decry the legitimacy of the Cossack experiment, a view, quite ironically, that was even influential among the Cossack "samostiinikr themselves. This dissertation explores one of the most peculiar phenomena in modern Russian history: Cossack separatism in the Russian civil war, a phenomenon that has been better known as "kazach'ia samostiinost'}" Although this study uses the term samostiinost' as a key word to conceptualize the Cossack experiment, one should note that this was not a title of the Cossacks' own choice. Samostiinyi Kuban' in One and Indivisible Russiaĭ. Part III - "An Independent Kuban'" in "One and Indivisible Russia" A. Toward "Universalistic Particularism": From "Voisko" to "Krai" Part II - The Genesis of Kazach 'ia samostiinost" A. Part I - Cossacks in Crisis: To Be Or Not To Be? The Kuban' Cossack voisko on the Eve of the Russian Revolution A. As an alliance of two antitheses, the separatist Kuban' and the "One and Invisible Russia," the South Russian White movement was doomed. By associating itself with the Cossack oxymoron, the White Movement itself became a paradox. The paradox of Kuban' samostiinost' culminated in its alliance with the Russian Whites. It realized separatism while decrying it. It was a Cossack state proclaiming a non-Cossack civic statehood. The result was the emergence of an allegedly universalistic nation-state practicing the particularistic exclusion of the non-Cossack population. This duality wasĢ furthered in 19, as the Cossacks combined ethnic self-fashioning with the idea of civic community, thereby wrapping the Cossack identity in a new nationalistic mantle. When the Kuban' Cossacks launched the "People's Republic of Kuban'" in early 1918, their justification of Kuban' separatism was not a soslovie-bound Cossackhood, but a "sos/ov/e-blind" representation of civic unity. This oxymoronic move to universalistic particularism featured two problematic claims that set Kuban' samostiinost' on the path to separatism: the ethnocentric selffashioning of Cossackhood and the state-bound claim of self-determination by the Kuban' province. When the new "soslovieblind" civic order of the 1917 Revolution threatened the survival of the Cossack caste, the response of the Kuban' Cossacks was "universalistically particularistic": the promotion and practice of estate particularism in the name of universalism. The Cossacks' attempt to escape the outmoded soslovie identity and their search for a "modern" alternative marked the beginning of samostiinost'. It explores the growing tension between the particularism of the Cossack caste and the increasingly universalistic setting of modern Russia, a setting that reduced Russian Cossackdom to an isolated anachronism. This dissertation explores "Kazach'ia samostiinost'", the nation building and federalism of the Kuban' Cossacks from 1917 to 1920. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346ġ Abstract Cossack Modernity: Nation Building in Kuban, 1917 - 1920 by Ja-Jeong Koo Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Yuri Slezkine, Chair
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